Belmont University

Reply to Dr. Graboyes' Comment

Friends, even good friends, do sometimes disagree.

I truly appreciate the time and thought that Dr. Graboyes put into his comment on my recent post on the NFIB's principles for health care reform. Let me try to respond.

The position the NFIB has taken is a pragmatic one. I concede that it may be the best among available pragmatic solutions. I would argue that our health care mess -- we both agree that the current system is a mess -- is a result of decades of pragmatism. World War II was ending. Wage controls that had been put in place to keep inflation in check. The federal government, labor and large corporations decided that offering health care benefits was not a violation of wage controls. So a pragmatic solution was to create a system of employer sponsored health insurance as a way to increase compensation without increasing actual wages. It was a pragmatic economic shift.

Fast forward a couple of decades. President Nixon had instituted wage controls once again to stave off the inflationary pressures in our economy. This time the pragmatic solution was to enrich health care benefits. We moved from a major medical system (what is now called a high-deductible plan) to one of very low deductibles. Again this enhancement of compensation was a pragmatic way around wage controls.

Inflation, at least in health care, is once again rampant. And once again, we hear calls for compromise and pragmatism.

I agree with Dr. Graboyes. Our current health care system is not free enterprise. It is one based on a system of rent seeking behavior on the part of corporate medicine, physician and hospital lobbyists, health insurance corporations, and labor. I would like to see how these principles will take us down the road to liberty.

Dr. Graboyes says, “100% private is not going to happen, and one is hard-pressed to find any market-oriented think tank that advocates total retreat of government from health care.” This is just not true. For example, the Cato Institute is about as market-oriented as they come. Michael F. Cannon in an article published at the Cato Institutes's website said the following:

In a field dominated by lefties and rent-seeking weasels whose unifying goal is to provide health insurance to everyone, it is easy to get caught up in universal coverage fever. Even erstwhile conservatives have been seduced into thinking we can achieve universal coverage in a free-market way.

Yet a free market would not provide health insurance to all; some people are uninsurable, others don't want health insurance. National Review made the point nicely: "to achieve universal coverage would require either having the government provide it to everyone or forcing everyone to buy it." Either way, government calls the shots. If conservatives adopt universal coverage as their goal, the left will have already won.

Dr. Graboyes asks for another solution.

Give the consumers control of their health care dollars. Remove the employer from the health care system. What a way to truly put small business on a level playing filed with big corporations. Tear down government barriers to a truly free health care system - deregulate health care. Don't tell me that such fundamental change is not pragmatic or realistic. We can reform Medicaid like we reformed federal welfare. Shift that money back to the state in block grants free of federal mandates. We can deregulate health care just as we deregulated so many other powerful industries during the Reagan era.

Will it be uncomfortable? Yes. Will it be painful? Yes. But we have created a critically ill health care system that needs powerful medicine to return to wellness.


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Comments

Again, thanks for the good comments.


I believe Dr. Cornwall unintentionally validates my arguments rather than his own in that: (1) the "pragmatic" actions he describes are polar opposites of NFIB's current efforts; (2) the Cato Institute does not advocate a total retreat of government from health care; and (3) the solutions Dr. Cornwall offers are not solutions.


(1) In the 1940s, employer-sponsored health insurance arose from the private sector, not from the government. Private firms offered health insurance to circumvent the suffocating effects of wage-price controls. The firms had found a loophole in the law, and federal government's role was to acquiesce, not to innovate. In the 1970s, the low-deductible policies Prof. Cornwall laments were private sector responses to Nixon-era public policies. In both cases, bad public policies led private firms to pursue problematic responses. NFIB's current strategy is to do the opposite: we want good public policies that lead private firms to take constructive actions.


(2) The Cato Institute is, as Prof. Cornwall notes, "about as market-oriented as they come." No doubt, NFIB's positions on health care reform will not be entirely to Cato's liking. But, contrary to Prof. Cornwall's claim, even Cato doesn't advocate a total retreat of government from health care. In "Sinking SCHIP: A First Step toward Stopping the Growth of Government Health Programs," Michael Cannon urges health care deregulation "thereby allowing government health programs to focus on those patients who most need assistance." That sounds like reducing government's role, not eliminating it. In "Crisis of Abundance," Cato scholar Arnold Kling offers a market-oriented plan that cuts the government's proportion of health care spending, but does not eliminate it. (I reviewed the book favorably at: http://www.nabe.com/publib/be/0704/reviews.html) As long as government has some role in the mix, distortions will be present, and second-best solutions will be inevitable. The tough part of the debate is figuring out what that second-best is and not settling for less. It is there that free-market proponents will disagree.


(3) My previous posting asked Prof. Cornwall "[W]hat proposals would you take to Congress and the state legislatures? We're looking for specifics, and we'd be glad to listen." His response was: "Give the consumers control of their health care dollars. Remove the employer from the health care system. What a way to truly put small business on a level playing field with big corporations. Tear down government barriers to a truly free health care system - deregulate health care. ... We can reform Medicaid like we reformed federal welfare. Shift that money back to the state in block grants free of federal mandates. We can deregulate health care just as we deregulated so many other powerful industries during the Reagan era."


Good, thought-provoking ideas. But they're bumper stickers, not specifics. Let me suggest an experiment: Put the above suggestions in a letter on university stationery. Send a copy to each of the 535 members of Congress and 7,000+ state legislators. Ask each recipient for a mere 30 minutes of time to discuss the ideas. Now calculate two variables: X = the number of "thank you for your interest" letters signed by legislative interns and Y = the number of legislators willing to meet with you. My guess is that X will be at least 100 times Y.


When I'm a college professor, I can advocate any fantasy health care system my imagination desires. NFIB doesn't have that luxury. NFIB represents 350,000 member firms, their employees, and the larger community of small businesses. Sweeping philosophical declarations won't protect their livelihoods. Prof. Cornwall says: "Don't tell me that such fundamental change is not pragmatic or realistic." Well, sometimes we have to tell you that; NFIB can't demand all or nothing. We have to remember Voltaire's, "The perfect is the enemy of the good."


On the other hand, it's tempting to let pragmatism to turn to sloth and timidity. So Prof. Cornwall and others like him do a great public service by pushing us to achieve as much as we can and not settle for less than what is possible. Thanks to him for his advice and willingness to talk.

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